Prologue
It is a primary American tradition to consider history when our political order seems imperiled. The Founding Fathers drew upon examples from ancient Greece and Rome, and declared their independence from a British monarchy that the founders deemed “tyrannical.” In modern Europe, there were three major democratic movements:
- After the First World War in 1918
- After the Second World War in 1945
- After the end of Communism in 1989
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the expansion of global trade generated expectations of progress. When these hopes did not materialize, they were challenged by new visions of mass politics where a leader or a party claimed to directly represent the will of the people. European democracies collapsed into right-wing authoritarianism and fascism in the 1920s and ‘30s. The communist Soviet Union, established its model into Europe in the 1940s.
Both fascism and communism were responses to globalization: to the real and perceived inequalities it created, and the apparent helplessness of the democracies in addressing them. Fascists rejected reason in the name of will, denying objective truth in favor of a glorious myth, arguing that the complex challenges of globalization were the result of a conspiracy against the nation. Communists proposed rule by a disciplined party elite with a monopoly on reason that would guide society toward a certain future according to supposedly fixed laws of history.
The precedent set by the Founders demands that we examine history to understand the deep sources of tyranny, and to consider the proper responses to it. Americans today are no wiser than the Europeans that saw democracy yield to fascism, Nazism, or communism. The one advantage we have is that we might learn from their experience.
This book presents twenty lessons from the twentieth century: adapted to the circumstances of today.
Chapter 1: Do Not Obey in Advance
Most of the power of authoritarianism is freely given. In times like these, individuals think ahead about what a more repressive government will want, and then offer themselves without being asked. A citizen who adapts in this way is teaching power what it can do.
Chapter 2: Defend Institutions
It is institutions that help us to preserve decency. They need our help as well. Do not speak of “our institutions” unless you make them yours by acting on their behalf. Institutions do not protect themselves. They fall one after the other unless each is defended from the beginning. So choose an institution you care about—a court, a newspaper, a law, a labor union—and take its side.
Chapter 3: Beware the One-Party State
The parties that remade states and suppressed rivals were not omnipotent from the start. They exploited a historic moment to make political life impossible for their opponents. So support the multi-party system and defend the rules of democratic elections. Vote in local and state elections while you can. Consider running for office.
Chapter 4: Take Responsibility for the Face of the World
The symbols of today enable the reality of tomorrow. Notice the swastikas and the other signs of hate. Do not look away, and do not get used to them. Remove them yourself and set an example for others to do so.
Chapter 5: Remember Professional Ethics
When political leaders set a negative example, professional commitments to just practice become more important. It is hard to subvert a rule-of-law state without lawyers, or to hold show trials without judges. Authoritarians need obedient civil servants, and concentration camp directors seek businessmen interested in cheap labor.
Chapter 6: Be Wary of Paramilitaries
When the men with guns who have always claimed to be against the system start wearing uniforms and marching with torches and pictures of a leader, the end is nigh. When the pre-leader paramilitary and the official police and military intermingle, the end has come.
Chapter 7: Be Reflective if You Must Be Armed
If you carry a weapon to public service, may God bless you and keep you. But know that evils of the past involved policemen and soldiers finding themselves, one day, doing irregular things. Be ready to say no.
Chapter 8: Stand Out
Someone has to. It is easy to follow along. It can feel strange to do or say something different. But without that unease, there is no freedom. Remember Rosa Parks. The moment you set an example, the spell of the status quo is broken, and others will follow.
Chapter 9: Be Kind to Our Language
Avoid pronouncing the phrases everyone else does. Think up your own way of speaking, even if only to convey that thing you think everyone is saying. Make an effort to separate yourself from the internet. Read books.
Chapter 10: Believe in Truth
To abandon facts is to abandon freedom. If nothing is true, then no one can criticize power, because there is no basis upon which to do so. If nothing is true, then all is spectacle. The biggest wallet pays for the most blinding lights.
Chapter 11: Investigate
Figure things out for yourself. Spend more time with long articles. Subsidize investigative journalism by subscribing to print media. Realize that some of what is on the internet is there to harm you. Learn about sites that investigate propaganda campaigns (some of which come from abroad). Take responsibility for what you communicate with others.
Chapter 12: Make Eye Contact and Small Talk
This is not just polite. It is part of being a citizen and a responsible member of society. It is also a way to stay in touch with your surroundings, break down social barriers, and understand whom you should and should not trust. If we enter a culture of denunciation, you will want to know the psychological landscape of your daily life.
Chapter 13: Practice Corporeal Politics
Power wants your body softening in your chair and your emotions dissipating on the screen. Get outside. Put your body in unfamiliar places with unfamiliar people. Make new friends and match with them.
Chapter 14: Establish a Private Life
Nastier rules will see what they know about you to push you around. Scrub your computer of malware on a regular basis. Remember that email is skywriting. Consider using alternative forms of the internet, or simply using it less. Have personal exchanges in person. For the same reason, resolve any legal trouble. Tyrants seek the hook on which to hang you. Try not to have hooks.
Chapter 15: Contribute to Good Causes
Be active in organizations, political or not, that express your own view of life. Pick a charity or two and set up autopay. Then you will have made a free choice that supports civil society and helps others to do good.
Chapter 16: Learn From Peers in Other Countries
Keep up your friendships abroad, or make new friends in other countries. The present difficulties in the United States are an element of a larger trend. And no country is going to find a solution by itself. Make sure you and your family have passports.
Chapter 17: Listen for Dangerous Words
Be alert to the use of the words extremism and terrorism. Be alive to the fatal notions of emergency and exception. Be angry about the treacherous use of patriotic vocabulary.
Chapter 18: Be Calm When the Unthinkable Arrives
Modern tyranny is terror management. When the terrorist attack comes, remember that authoritarians exploit such events in order to consolidate power. The sudden disaster that requires the end of checks and balances, the dissolution of opposition parties, the suspension of freedom of expression, the right to a fair trial, and so on, is the oldest trick in the Hitlerian book. Do not fall for it.
Chapter 19: Be a Patriot
Set a good example of what America means for the generations to come. They will need it.
Chapter 20: Be as Courageous as You Can
If none of us is prepared to die for freedom, then all of us will die under tyranny.
Epilogue
In Shakespeare’s drama Hamlet, the hero is a virtuous man who is rightly shocked by the abrupt rise of an evil ruler. “The time is out of joint,” says Hamlet. “O cursed spite/That ever I was born to set it right!” As Americans, we have once forgotten history, but now we will have to repair our own sense of time if we wish to renew our commitment to liberty. We allowed ourselves to accept the politics of inevitability, the sense that history could move in only one direction.
However, the politics of inevitability is a self-induced intellectual coma. So long as the memory of communism and fascism was alive, Americans had to pay some attention to history. Yet once we accepted the politics of inevitability, we assumed that history was no longer relevant.
The second antihistorical way of considering the past is the politics of eternity. Its mood is a longing for past moments that never really happened during epochs that were, in fact, disastrous (Make America Great Again). Every reference to the past seems to involve an attack by some external enemy upon the purity of the nation. Since the crisis is permanent, the sense of emergency is always present. In the politics of eternity, the seduction by a mythicized past prevents us from thinking about possible futures. The habit of dwelling on victimhood dulls the impulse of self-correction. Since the nation is defined by its inherent virtue rather than by its future potential, politics becomes a discussion of good and evil rather than a discussion of possible solutions to real problems. If the politics of inevitability is like a coma, the politics is like hypnosis: we stare at the spinning vortex of cyclical myth until we fall into a trance. Both of these positions, inevitability and eternity, are antihistorical; the only thing that stands between them is history itself. When Hamlet says “The time is out of joint. O cursed spite, that ever I was born to set it right!” he however concludes: “Hey, come, let’s go together.”